Changes within ISKCON and the lack of scientific or scholarly research over the last ten years present difficult problems in interpretation today. Previously, members who joined ISKCON became part of an institution which was basically monastic in its lifestyle. Ninety-five percent of its members lived in temples, and there were clear physical distinctions between 'devotees' and 'karmis', or non-devotees. Now, after twenty-five years, the question is being asked, 'Where does ISKCON membership begin and where does it end?' At present, ISKCON is debating the issues arising from this distance between its image and its identity. Redefinition, introspection and reorganisation are the order of the day.

Over the last twenty-five years,the social image that ISKCON has had of itself has basically remained the same, whereas its actual identity has changed radically. Now, on average, ninety-five percent of ISKCON members live outside temple communities. This development is encouraged and supported by the philosophy and practice of Krsna consciousness, but it has left the institution itself with more questions than answers. In short, ISKCON is having an identity crisis and thus has embarked on a path of institutional self-realisation. This development has been fast and irreversible. [i] The model of ISKCON being a society made up of temples crammed full of life-long celibate students is a thing of the past.

The initial appearance of temple ashrams existed to facilitate the Western launch of A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami's (Srila Prabhupada) orthodox Gaudiya Vaishnavism. Temples were the only places one could go to practise the faith and live the culture. As the years passed, household life naturally developed, both as a result of temple residents marrying and moving outside temples, and through householders joining the society as congregational members.

As more and more Western congregational devotees and members of the ex-patriot Indian community began to request, qualify for and receive initiation by spiritual teachers in ISKCON, the divisions and distinctions between 'temple devotees' and 'congregation' began to blur. Due to the natural increase in the number of middle-aged Hare Krsnas and their experiences of family life, employment and further education, ISKCON's attitude to the family, occupation, other religious traditions, education and social integration is being challenged and discussed in all its corridors.

To illustrate ISKCON's reassessment of itself, I refer you to one critical definition offered in a paper at a conference in Germany [ii] , in January of this year. The definition was an interesting and contemporary clarification of the role of the temple:

The role of the temple or ashram has also changed. ISKCON centres are now places of education, communication and mission, and they serve the congregation as places of worship and association. Vaishnavas who live in the temple receive a spiritual education, after which most of them marry and establish a family (and move out of the ashram).'

This definition proposes a temple role that equates more with the traditional social model proposed in Vedic and Vaishnava texts, where students in temples and ashrams are trained for household life based on spiritual principles. They are then expected to marry, establish their own household and make a positive contribution to society at large. Their relationship with the temple as a training institution then changes to that of a place of worship, and their role changes from submissive student to respected patron.

Since the development of the larger Hare Krsna community, members are less constrained in their social interaction and expression. Thus sub-cultures are beginning to appear within the society: art groups, drama societies, writers, educationalists, thinkers, critics, support groups and independent communities.

At a recent reunion of ISKCON's first Irish members, it was noted that none of the people who received initiation had actually left the faith. Some had been institutionally disaffected, and some were not following to the highest spiritual standards, but all still identified themselves as devotees of Krsna and followers of Srila Prabhupada. Of course, Ireland is an ISKCON microcosm, but the same basic trend has been noted worldwide where formal and large scale reunions are becoming common.

Although not everyone welcomes the culture of change and reassessment that has developed within ISKCON, the Society's grass-roots has voted with its feet. Self-analysis and re-evaluation are becoming the norm on all levels of ISKCON organisation. The flood gates are open and negative reaction to social progression within ISKCON itself is now viewed as another valuable contribution to a debate rather than a threat to development or a restriction. The monastic regime of temple and ashram life will always be a valued aspect of ISKCON's culture, but they can no longer be seen to represent the lifestyle led by the majority of its members.

Shaunaka Rishi Dasa

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