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Drutakarma
Dasa
Providing a strong challenge to established
academic perception and methodology, Drutakarma
Dasa presents the Vaisnava Hindu
worldview on the fundamental concepts to the approach to and interpretation
of the archaeological record. His presentation is articulate and
thorough and the extensive research he has undertaken to support
his thesis is very impressive. He contrasts the currently accepted
time concept, which closely resembles the Judaeo-Christian model,
with the ancient Puranic model and shows
us how each tends to supports its own world view. But Drutakarma
argues that the evidence offered by the archaeological record does
not actually support the presently accepted model and thus questions
its value in accurate historical analysis.
The time concept of modern
archaeology and anthropology resembles the general cosmological-historical
time concept of Europe's Judaeo-Christian culture. Differing from the cyclical cosmological-historical
time concepts of the early Greeks in Europe, and
the Indians and others in Asia,
the Judaeo- Christian cosmological-historical time concept is linear
and progressive. Modern archaeology also shares with Judaeo-Christian
theology the idea that humans appeared after the other major species.
The author subjectively positions himself within the Vaisnava Hindu worldview, and from this perspective offers
a radical critique of modern generalisations about human origins
and antiquity. Hindu historical literature, particularly the Puranas
and Ithihasas, place human existence in
the context of repeating time cycles called yugas
and kalpas, lasting hundreds of millions of years. During
this entire period, according to the Puranic
accounts, humans coexisted with creatures in some ways resembling
the earlier tool-making hominids of modern evolutionary accounts.
If one were to accept the Puranic record
as objectively true, and also take into account the generally admitted
imperfection and complexity of the archaeological and anthropological
record, one could make the following prediction. The strata of the
earth, extending back hundreds of millions of years, should yield
a bewildering mixture of hominid bones, some anatomically modern
human and others not, as well as a similarly bewildering variety
of artefacts, some displaying a high level of artistry and others
not. Given the linear progressivist preconceptions
of generations of archaeologists and anthropologists, one could
also predict that this mixture of bones and artefacts would be edited
to conform to their deeply rooted linear-progressive time concepts.
A careful study of the archaeological record, and the history of
archaeology itself, broadly confirms these two predictions. Linear-progressivist
time concepts thus pose a substantial barrier to truly objective
evaluation of the archaeological record and to rational theory-
building in the area of human origins and antiquity.
The practically employed time concept of the modern
historical scientist, including the archaeologist, strikingly resembles
the traditional Judaeo-Christian time concept, and equally strikingly
differs from that of the ancient Greeks and Indians.
This observation is, of course, an extreme
generalisation. In any culture, the common people may make use of
various time concepts, both linear and cyclical. Among the great
thinkers of any given period, there may be many competing views
of both cyclical and linear time. This was certainly true of the
ancient Greeks. It can nevertheless be safely said that the cosmological
concepts several of the most prominent Greek thinkers involved a
cyclic or episodic time similar to that found in the Puranic literature of India. For example,
we find within Hesiod's Works and Days,
a series of ages (gold, silver, bronze, heroic and iron) similar
to the Indian yugas. In both systems,
the quality of human life becomes progressively worse with each
passing age. In On Nature (Fragment 17), Empedocles speaks
of cosmic time cycles. In Plato's dialogues there are descriptions
of revolving time (Timaeus 38 a) and recurring
catastrophes that destroy or nearly destroy human civilisation (Politicus,
268 d ff). Aristotle repeatedly mentioned in his works that the
arts and sciences had been discovered many times in the past (Metaphysics,
1074, b.10; Politics, 1329, b.25) In the
teachings of Pythagoras, Plato and Empedocles regarding transmigration
of souls, this cyclical pattern is extended to individual psychophysical
existence.
When Judaeo-Christian civilisation arose
in Europe,
another kind of time became prominent. This time has been characterised
as linear and vectorial. Broadly speaking,
this concept involves a unique act of cosmic creation, a unique
appearance of the human kind and a unique history of salvation,
culminating in a unique denouement in the form of a last judgement.
The drama occurs only once. Individually, human life mirrored this
process; with some exceptions, orthodox Christian theologians did
not accept transmigration of the soul.
Modern historical sciences share the basic
Judaeo-Christian assumptions about time: that the universe we inhabit
is a unique occurrence and that humans have arisen only once on
this planet. The history of our ancestors is regarded as a unique,
although unpredestined, evolutionary pathway.
The future pathway of our species is also unique. Although this
pathway is officially unpredictable, the myths of science project
a possible overcoming of death by biomedical science and mastery
over the entire universe by evolving, space-travelling humans. One
group, the Santa Fe Institute, who have sponsored several conferences
on 'artificial life', predicts the future transferral of human intelligence
into machines and computers displaying the complex symptoms of living
things (Langton 1991, p.xv) 'Artificial life' thus becomes the ultimate transfiguring
salvation of our species.
One is tempted to propose that the modern human
evolutionary account is a Judaeo-Christian heterodoxy, which covertly
retains fundamental structures of Judaeo-Christian cosmology, salvation
history and eschatology, while overtly dispensing with the scriptural
account of divine intervention in the origin of species, including
our own.
This is similar to the case of Buddhism as
Hindu heterodoxy. Dispensing with the Hindu scriptures and God concepts,
Buddhism nevertheless retained basic Hindu cosmological assumptions
such as cyclical time, transmigration and karma.
Something else the modern human evolutionary
hypothesis has in common with the earlier Christian account is that
humans appeared after the other life forms. In Genesis, God created
the plants, animals and birds before human beings. For strict literalists,
the time interval is short - humans are created on the last of six
of our present solar days. Others have taken the Genesis days as
ages. For example, around the time of Darwin European scientists
with strong Christian leanings proposed that God had gradually brought
into existence various species throughout the ages of geological
time until the perfected earth was ready to receive human beings
(Grayson, 1983). In modern evolutionary accounts, anatomically modern
humans retain their position as the most recent major species to
occur on this planet, having evolved from preceding hominids within
the past 100,000 or so years. And despite the attempts of prominent
evolutionary theorists and spokespersons to counteract the tendency,
even among evolution scientists, to express this appearance in teleological
fashion (Gould 1977, p. 14), the idea that humans are the crowning
glory of the evolutionary process still has a stronghold on the
public and scientific minds. Although anatomically modern humans
are given an age of about 100,000 years, modern archaeologists and
anthropologists, in common with Judaeo-Christian accounts, give
civilisation an age of a few thousand years and, again in common
with Judaeo-Christian accounts, place its earliest occurrence in
the Middle East.
I do not here categorically assert a direct
causal link between earlier Judeao-Christian ideas and those of the modern historical
sciences. Demonstrating that, as Edward B. Davis (1994) points out
in his review of recent works on this subject, needs much more careful
documentation than has yet been provided. But the many common features
of the time concepts of the two knowledge systems suggest these
causal links do exist, and that it would be fruitful to trace connections
in sufficient detail to satisfactorily demonstrate this.
I do, however, propose that the tacitly accepted
and hence critically unexamined time concepts of the modern human
sciences - whether or not causally linked with Judaeo-Christian
concepts - pose a significant unrecognised influence on interpretation
of the archaeological and anthropological record. To demonstrate
how this might be true, I shall introduce my own experience in evaluating
this record from the alien standpoint of the cyclical time concepts
and accounts of human origins found in the Puranas
and Itihasas of India.
My subjective path of learning has led me to
take the Vaisnava tradition of India as my primary
guide to life and the study of the visible universe and what may
lie beyond. For the past century or so, it has been considered quite
unreasonable to bring concepts from religious texts directly into
the realm of the scientific study of nature. Indeed, many introductory
anthropology and archaeology texts make a clear distinction between
'scientific' and 'religious' knowledge, relegating the latter to
the status of unsupported belief, with little or no utility in the
objective study of nature (see, for example, Stein and Rowe 1993,
chapter 2). Some texts even go so far as to boast that this view
has been upheld by the United States Supreme Court (Stein and Rowe
1993, p. 37), as if the state were the best and final arbiter of
intellectual controversy. But I propose that total hostility to
religious views of nature in science is unreasonable, especially
for the modern historical sciences. Despite their pretensions to
a religious objectivity, practitioners unconsciously retain or incorporate
into their workings many Judaeo-Christian cosmological concepts,
especially concerning time, and implicitly employ them in their
day to day work of observation and theory building. In this sense,
modern evolutionists share some intellectual territory with their
Fundamentalist Christian antagonists.
But there are other ways to comprehend historical
processes in nature. How this is so can be graphically sensed if
one performs the mental experiment of looking at the world from
a radically different time perspective, that of the the
Puranic time concept of India.
I am not alone in suggesting this. Gene Sager, a professor of philosophy
and religious studies at Palomar College in California, wrote in
an unpublished review of my book Forbidden Archaeology (Cremo and Thompson, 1993): 'As a scholar in the field of comparative
religion, I have sometimes challenged scientists by offering a cyclical
or spiral model for studying human history, based on the Vedic concept
of the kalpa. Few Western scientists are open to the possibility
of sorting out the data in terms of such a model. I am not proposing
that the Vedic model is true ... However, the question remains,
does the relatively short, linear model prove to be adequate? I
believe Forbidden Archaeology offers a well researched challenge.
If we are to meet this challenge, we need to practise
open-mindedness and proceed in a cross-cultural, interdisciplinary
fashion' (personal communication, 1993). The World Archaeological
Congress provides a suitable forum for such cross-cultural, interdisciplinary
dialogue.
This cyclical time of the Puranas
operates only within the material cosmos. Beyond the material cosmos
lies the spiritual sky, or brahmajyoti.
Innumerable spiritual planets float in this spiritual sky, where
material time, in the form of yuga cycles, does not act. Each yuga cycle is composed of four yugas. The first, the Satya-yuga,
lasts 4 800 years of the demigods; the second, the Treta-yuga,
lasts 3 600 years of the demigods; the third, the Dvapara-yuga,
lasts 2 400 years of the demigods; and the fourth, Kali-yuga,
lasts 1 200 years of the demigods (Bhagavata
Purana, 3.11.19). Since the demigod
year is equivalent to three hundred and sixty earth years (Bhaktivedanta
Swami 1973, p. 102), the lengths of the yugas
in earth years are, according to standard Vaisnava
commentaries, 432 000 years for the Kali-yuga,
864 000 years for the Dvapara-yuga, 1
296 000 years for the Treta-yuga and 1
728 000 years for the Satya-yuga. This gives a total of 4 320 000 years for the
entire yuga cycle. One thousand of such cycles, lasting 4 320
000 000 years, comprises one day of Brahma,
the demigod who governs this universe. A day of Brahma is also called
a kalpa. Each of Brahma's nights lasts a similar period of time.
Life is only manifest on earth during the day of Brahma. With the
onset of Brahma's night, the entire universe is devastated and plunged
into darkness. When another day of Brahma begins, life again becomes
manifest.
Each day of Brahma is divided into fourteen
manvatara periods, each one lasting seventy-one
yuga cycles.
Preceding the first and following each manvatara
period is a juncture (sandhya)
the length of a Satya-yuga (1 728 000)
years. Typically, each manvantara period ends with a partial devastation. According
to Puranic accounts, we are now in the
twenty-eight yuga
cycle of the eighth manvatara period of
the present day of Brahma. This would give the inhabited earth an
age of 2.3 billion years. Interestingly enough, the oldest undisputed
organisms recognised by palaeontologists -algae fossils such as
those from the Gunflint formation in Canada - are just
about that old (Stewart, 1983, p. 30).
Altogether, 524 yuga
cycles have elapsed since this day of Brahma began. Each yuga cycle involves a progression from a golden age
of peace and spiritual progress to a final age of violence and spiritual
degradation. At the end of each Kali-yuga,
the earth is practically depopulated.
During the yuga
cycles, human species coexist with other human-like species. For
example, in the Bhagavata Purana
(9.10.20) we find the divine avatara
Ramacandra conquering Ravana's kingdom
Lanka with the aid of intelligent forest dwelling monkey men who
fought Ravana's well-equipped soldiers
with trees and stones. This occurred in the Treta-yuga,
about one million years ago.
Given the cycle of yugas,
the periodic devastation at the end of each manvatara,
and the coexistence of civilised human beings with creatures in
some ways resembling the human ancestors of modern evolutionary
accounts, what predictions might the Puranic
account give regarding the archaeological record? Before answering
this question, we must also consider the general imperfection of
the fossil record (Raup and Stanley, 1971).
Hominid fossils in particular are extremely rare. Furthermore, only
a small fraction of the sedimentary layers deposited during the
course of the earth's history have survived erosion and other destructive
geological processes (Van Andel, 1981).
Taking the above into account, I propose the
Puranic view of time and history predicts
a sparse but bewildering mixture of hominid fossils, some anatomically
modern and some not, going back tens and even hundreds of millions
of years and occurring at locations all over the world. It also
predicts a more numerous but similarly bewildering mixture of stone
tools and other artefacts, some showing a high level of technical
ability and others not. Given the cognitive biases of the majority
of workers in the fields of archaeology and anthropology over the
past one hundred and fifty years, we might also predict that this
bewildering mixture of fossils and artefacts would be edited to
conform with a linear, progressive view
of human origins. A careful investigation of published reports by
myself and Richard Thompson (1993) offers confirmation of these
two predictions. What follows is only a sample of the total body
of evidence catalogued in our lengthy book. The citations given
are for the single reports that best identify particular finds.
Detailed analysis and additional reports cited elsewhere (Creme
and Thompson, 1993) offer strong confirmation of the authenticity
and antiquity of these discoveries.
Incised and carved mammal bones are reported from
the Pliocene (Desnoyers, 1863; Laussedat, 1868; Capellini, 1877)
and Miocene (Garrigou and Filhol,
1868; von Ducker, 1873). Additional reports of incised bones from
the Pliocene and Miocene periods may be found in an extensive review
by the overly sceptical de Mortillet (1883).
Scientists have also reported pierced shark teeth from the Pliocene
period (Charlesworth 1873), artistically
carved bone from the Miocene (Calvert 1874) and artistically carved
shell from the Pliocene (Stopes, 1881).
Carved mammal bones reported by Moir (1917) could be as old as the Eocene.
Very crude stone tools occur in the Middle
Pliocene (Prestwich 1892) and from perhaps
as far back as the Eocene (Moir, 1927;
Breuil, 1910, especially p. 402). One
will note that most of these discoveries are from the nineteenth
century. But such artefacts are still being found. Crude stone
tools have recently be reported from the Pliocene of Pakistan (Bunney, 1987), Siberia (Daniloff and Kopf, 1986) and India (Sankhyan,
1981). Given the current view that tool-making hominids did not
leave their African centre of origin until about one million years
ago, these artefacts are somewhat anomalous, what to speak of a
pebble tool from the Miocene of India (Prasad 1982).
More advanced stone tools occur in the Oligocene
of Europe (Rutot, 1907), the Miocene of Europe (Ribeiro,
1873; Bourgeois, 1873; Verworn 1905),
the Miocene of Asia (Noetling 1894), and
the Pliocene of South America (F. Ameghino,
1908; C. Ameghino, 1915). In North
America, advanced stone tools occur in California deposits ranging from Pliocene to Miocene in age (Whitney
1880). An interesting slingstone, at least
Pliocene and perhaps Eocene in age, comes from England (Moir
1929, p. 63).
More advanced artefacts have also been reported
in scientific and non-scientific publications. These include an
iron nail in Devonian Sandstone (Brewster 1844), a gold thread in
Carboniferous stone (Times of London, June 22, 1844), a metallic
vase in Precambrian stone (Scientific American, June 5, 1852), and
a chalk ball from the Eocene (Melleville
1862), a Pliocene clay statue (Wright 1912, pp. 266-69), metallic
tubes in Cretaceous chalk (Corliss 1978,
pp. 652-53), and a grooved metallic sphere from the Precambrian
(Jimison 1982). The following objects
have been reported from Carboniferous coal: a gold chain (The Morrisonville
Times, of Illinois, U.S.A., June 11, 1891), artistically carved
stone (Daily News of Omaha, U.S.A., April 2, 1897), an iron cup
(Rusch 1971), and stone block walls (Steiger
1979, p. 27).
Human skeletal remains described as anatomically
modern occur in the Middle Pleistocene of Europe (Newton, 1895;
Bertrand, 1868; de Mortillet, 1883). These cases are favourably reviewed by Keith
(1928). Other anatomically modern human skeletal remains occur in
the Early and Middle Pleistocene of Africa (Reck,
1914; L. Leakey, 1960d; Zuckerman, 1954, p. 310; Patterson and Howells,
1967; Senut, 1981; R. Leakey, 1973); the Early Middle Pleistocene
of Java (Day and Molleson, 1973), the
Early Pleistocene of South America (Hrdlicka
1912, pp. 319-44); the Pliocene of South America (Hrdlicka 1912, p. 346; Boman 1921,
pp. 341-2); the Pliocene of England (Osborn 1921, pp. 567-9); the
Pliocene of Italy (Ragazzoni, 1880; Issel, 1868). the Miocene of France
and the Eocene of Switzerland (de Mortillet,
1883, p. 72), and even the Carboniferous of North America (The
Geologist, 1862). Several discoveries have also been
made in Californian goldmines that range from Pliocene to Eocene
(Whitney, 1880). Some of these samples have been subjected to chemical
and radiometric tests which showed that they are ages younger than
suggested by their stratigraphical position.
But when the unreliability and weaknesses of the testing procedures
are measured against the very compelling stratigraphic
observations of the discoverers, it is not at all clear that the
original age attributions should be discarded (Cremo
and Thompson, 1993, pp. 753-94).
In addition, human-like footprints have been
found in the Carboniferous of North America (Burroughs, 1938), the
Jurassic of Central Asia (Moscow News 1983, no.4, p. 10)
and the Pliocene of Africa (M. Leakey, 1979). Shoeprints have also
been reported from the Cambrian (Meister, 1968) and the Triassic
(Ballou, 1922).
In the course of negotiating a fashionable
consensus that anatomically modern humans evolved from less advanced
hominids in the Late Pleistocene, scientists gradually rendered
unfashionable the considerable body of compelling contradictory
evidence summarised above. It thus became unworthy of discussion
in academic circles. Richard Thompson and I have concluded (1993)
that the muting of this evidence was accomplished by application
of a double standard, whereby favoured evidence was exempted from
the severely sceptical scrutiny to which disfavoured evidence was
subjected.
One example from the many that could be cited
to demonstrate the operation of linear progressive preconceptions
in the editing of the archaeological record,
is the case of the auriferous gravel finds in California.
During the days of the California Gold Rush (which started in the
1850s), miners discovered many anatomically modern human bones and
advanced stone implements in mineshafts sunk deeply into deposits
of gold-bearing gravel capped by thick lava flows (Whitney, 1880).
According to modern geological reports (Slemmons,
1966) the gravel beneath the lava dated back from nine to fifty-five
million years ago. These discoveries were reported to the world
of science by J. D. Whitney, state geologist of California, in a monograph published by the Peabody Museum of Natural
History at Harvard University.
From the evidence he compiled, Whitney came to a non-progressivist view of human origins - the fossil evidence
he reported indicated that the humans of the distant past were like
those of the present.
Responding to this thesis, W. H. Holmes (1899,
p. 424) of the Smithsonian Institution stated: 'Perhaps if Prof.
Whitney had fully appreciated the story of human evolution as it
is understood today, he would have hesitated to announce the conclusions
formulated, notwithstanding the imposing array of testimony with
which he was confronted, an attitude that still prevails even today.
For example, in their college textbook on anthropology, Stein and
Rowe assert that 'scientific statements are never considered absolute'
(1993, p. 41). However, in the same textbook they also make this
very absolute statement: 'Some people have assumed that humans have
always been the way they are today. Anthropologists are convinced
that human beings . have changed over time in response to changing
conditions. So one aim of the anthropologist is
to find evidence for evolution and to generate theories about it.'
Apparently, an anthropologist, by definition, can have no other
view or purpose. One should keep in mind, however, that this absolute
commitment to a linear progressive model of human origins, ostensibly
areligious, may have deep roots in Judaeo-Christian cosmology.
One of the things Holmes found especially hard
to accept was the similarity of the purportedly ancient stone implements
to those of the modern Indians. He wondered how anyone could take
seriously the idea that 'the implements of a Tertiary race should
have been left in the bed of a Tertiary torrent to be brought out
as good as new, after the lapse of vast periods of time, into the
camp of a modern community using identical forms?' (1899, pp. 451-2).
The similarity could be explained in several ways, but one possible
explanation is the repeated appearance in the same geographical
region of humans with particular cultural attributes in the course
of cyclical time. The suggestion that such a thing could happen
is bound to strike those who see humans as the recent result of
a long and unique series of evolutionary changes in the hominid
line, as absurd ― so absurd, in fact, as to prevent them from
considering any evidence as potentially supporting a cyclical interpretation
of human history.
It is noteworthy, however, that a fairly open-minded
modern archaeologist, when confronted with the evidence catalogued
in my book, brought up, in a somewhat doubting manner, the possibility
of a cyclical interpretation of human history to explain its occurrence.
George F. Carter, noted for his controversial views on early man
in North America, wrote in a letter to me
dated 26 January 1994:
'If your table on page 391 were correct, then the minimum age for
the artefacts at Table Mountain
would be nine million [years old]. Would you think then of a different
creation - [one that] disappeared - and then a new start? Would
it simply replicate the archaeology of California nine million years
later? Or the inverse. Would the Californians
nine million years later replicate the materials under Table Mountain?'
This is exactly what I do propose - that in
the course of cyclic time, humans with a culture resembling that
of modern North American Indians did, in fact, appear in California
millions of years ago, perhaps several times. In his letter, Carter
confessed that he found great difficulty with this line of reasoning.
But that difficulty, which encumbers the minds of most archaeologists
and anthropologists, may be the result of a rarely recognised and
even more rarely questioned commitment to a culturally acquired
linear progressive time sense.
It would, therefore, be worthwhile to inspect
the archaeological record through other time lenses, such as the
Puranic lens. Many will take my proposal
as a perfect example of what can happen when someone brings their
subjective religious ideas into the objective study of nature. Jonathan
Marks (1994) reacted in typical fashion in his review of Forbidden
Archaeology: 'Generally, attempts to reconcile the natural world
to religious views end up compromising the natural world.'
But until modern anthropology conducts a conscious
examination of the effects of its own covert, and arguably religiously
derived, assumptions about time and progress, it should put aside
its pretensions to universal objectivity and not be so quick to
accuse others of bending facts to fit religious dogma. Om Tat Sat.
This paper was delivered at the Third
World Archaeological
Congress, New Delhi,
India,
4-11 December 1994.
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